By Christopher Lord (auth.)
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Extra resources for A Democratic Audit of the European Union
Second, the direct–indirect distinction turns out be relatively weak in accounting for differences in how the EU should be democratised. For example, both the proposals for referendums mentioned earlier presuppose a representative process that would be complemented in the one case (by an additional opportunity for agenda-setting that does not depend on representatives) and counterbalanced in the other (by an opportunity to contest the decisions of representatives). In contrast, the majoritarian/consensus distinction might seem to be the key fault line in the debate on how the EU ought to be made democratic (Katz, 2001).
This applies, for example, to international Treaties signed by the EU. Second pillar procedures Common strategies are agreed by heads of government in the European Council on proposals framed by their foreign ministers. Those strategies can then be carried out by the following: Joint actions. Particular foreign policy tasks, usually with closely specified objectives, and limited means. Common positions, commit Member States to following a Union line in other international bodies and processes. 4 Continued Primary acts (The Treaties) The Commission can make proposals for Joint Actions or Common Positions, but it crucially has no monopoly of initiative.
Lord and Beetham, 2001, pp. 448–9). To avoid these difficulties, this study will assume that the effective control of the Union by national democracies would be best achieved through a ‘modified’ consociationalism in which the following requirement is added to the three listed in Auditing Democracy in the European Union 27 the previous paragraph: (4) Representatives of national democracies are themselves open to control by their publics or national parliaments in how they exercise the powers and rights of each national democracy within the EU’s institutional order.